Japan's Quest: The Search for International Recognition, Status and Role: The Search for International Recognition, Status and Role by Warren Hunsberger

Author:Warren Hunsberger [Hunsberger, Warren]
Language: eng
Format: epub
Tags: Ethnic Studies, Social Science, Political Science, Regional Studies, General
ISBN: 9781315284996
Google: M4QYDQAAQBAJ
Goodreads: 32205835
Publisher: Routledge
Published: 1996-12-01T00:00:00+00:00

Options for Japan

Amid this welter of contending strategies for Japan, which is to be preferred? The “normal country” strategy and the global civilian power concept seem to have a small edge in public opinion, but it is evident that no single doctrine has attracted wide support. American policy seems to tilt in favor of Japan as a “normal country,” one that has military strength to contribute to the defense of common interests, as by taking part in United Nations peacekeeping operations, and is willing to amend the constitution if that seems necessary. The United States would also go along with Japan if it decided to adopt some of the policies of a “global civilian power” like United Nations peacekeeping, even without changing its constitution. The Japanese way in such situations is to move carefully and take well-planned and modest actions while at the same time minimizing public controversy (Economist, July 13, 1996, 7). This has been the way Japan has handled defense issues for nearly fifty years; it is, for example, increasing its role in United Nations peacekeeping while stepping up its support for the U.S. forces stationed in Japan and its contribution to United Nations refugee activities. The way the Japanese are handling this complex matter seems to conform with U.S. interests. As for amending the constitution, the United States has taken the position that this was for Japan to handle, even though Douglas MacArthur was the natural father of the 1947 charter.

The Japanese policy of incremental defense increases has strengthened domestic support for the U.S.–Japan security treaty. Some Japanese journalists and intellectuals have questioned whether the treaty is still useful five years after the end of the Cold War. They point to the 1995 rape incident in Okinawa as an act of brutality by the very soldiers who are supposed to protect Japan; the danger of further demonstrations in Okinawa opposing U.S. bases remains high. Some American analysts also argue that the time has come for Japan to take care of its own defense; they believe the United States should withdraw its forces from Japan and adopt a balancing role in East Asia between Japan, China, the Koreas, and the nations of Southeast Asia (see chapter 6). The U.S. position is that its forces are a stabilizing effect in a historically troubled area where threats to peace still exist, as in Korea, and that it would be wise to keep them there for the indefinite future (Nye 1995, 101–2). The prime minister of Japan and the president of the United States agreed at their meeting in April 1986 to reaffirm their support of the treaty and to authorize their forces to consider ways of increasing Japanese support of U.S. forces, including ways to deal with any future crises. Continuation of the treaty no longer seemed to be an issue.

Debate over Japan’s future international role, however, has continued. Here again it follows a policy of incremental change. It has opposed unilateral and nationalist actions advocated by those favoring a “big Japan.

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